Is there a reason why anything in Nigeria cannot be straightforward and simple? Is there any reason why we can’t resolve an incident without what has become the typical Nigerian drama, spectacles, and painful exaggeration?
This week, the media, online forums, and in-person conversations have been dominated by several issues, foremost among which are the rumours of a coup plot against the government of President Bola Tinubu. The other, of course, is Omoyele Sowore’s decision to organise and lead protests calling for the release of terror suspect Nnamdi Kanu.
In the first place, these are two issues we shouldn’t be discussing at all because, after 25 years of democracy, the practice of military intervention in our political sphere should remain solidly confined to the history books where it belongs. Secondly, why is Nnamdi Kanu still on trial four years after his arrest?
The answer to both questions is simple yet complex in the way that straightforward matters are complicated in Nigeria.
First, regarding the rumoured coup plot. While the military has denied the existence of a coup plot and claimed that the arrest of 16 or more military officers by the DIA is strictly for disciplinary reasons, and the government has reinforced that claim, it is important to note that the history of military coups in Nigeria has been characterised by rumours. From the rumours of plots to oust the Tafawa-Balewa government in 1966, which turned out to be true, to rumours about Abacha’s plan to seize power from Ernest Shonekan’s sitting-duck Interim National Government in 1993. Most of these rumours have had some substance. As we say in this country, there is no smoke without fire.
It is true that there is increasing disaffection in the country due to economic hardship and insecurity, which have become so pervasive that it can be said without fear of contradiction that very few places in the country are safe. This, coupled with rumours of discontent in the military, if true, would serve as a tinderbox that could be ignited by the ambition of a soldier. Discontent in the military has been at the heart of numerous coups in Nigeria and beyond. As far back as AD 41, Roman soldiers unhappy with their welfare under their emperor, Caligula, decided they had had enough of him, ambushed him in a passageway, and stabbed him 30 times. The killing was carried out by his Praetorian Guards, who had sworn to protect him.
Every soldier in Nigeria swears to protect the constitution, which recognises President Bola Tinubu as president. But the Praetorians of old Rome and the Nzeogwus, Dimkas, Murtala, Buhari, Dogonyaro, Abachas, and Okars all swore the same oath. They will stand by this oath until they don’t. I hope and pray that they do because we really don’t want any coups in this country. That is clear.
What has not been clear, however, is the government’s handling of information surrounding these rumours. The denials have been as insubstantial as cobwebs in the wind, only fueling the flames of speculation. If there was no coup plot, why, after three weeks, is the information still sketchy and unclear? The military’s penchant for secrecy is an ingrained tradition, but there are times when clear communication is necessary, especially if “false, malicious, and misleading” information, as the DHQ spokesman Brigadier General Tukur Gusau branded the coup reports, persists. Only facts can dispel these rumours. Who are the soldiers arrested? What exactly are their offences, and what are they being investigated for? This is not too much to ask to dispel such rumours unless the rumours are true.
The second mismanagement of information was the abrupt cancellation of the Independence Day parade, during which the coup was reportedly planned to take place. Such events usually take a while to plan and prepare for, especially when the Commander-in-Chief is attending and thousands of troops and military equipment are involved. To cancel an October 1st event on September 29th so the president could “attend a bilateral meeting” sounds like a poorly crafted excuse for a hastily cancelled event. The president’s attendance at bilateral meetings is not arranged with the urgency one feels when discovering, after sitting down for dinner, that there is no drinking water in the house. It is carefully planned months in advance.
It is this sort of mismanagement of information, truth, and especially justice that has resulted in the second issue—Sowore’s pro-Kanu protests. What Sowore hopes to achieve with these protests is not yet clear, but whatever it is, it is ill-advised to champion the cause of someone who is intent on promoting a genocidal conflict in the country, someone who continues to call for, plan, and incite the killing of innocent civilians and security personnel. Most of Kanu’s crimes are evident; records of his inflammatory Radio Biafra broadcasts are still publicly available. In the court of public opinion, there is no way Kanu is not guilty of acts of terrorism and incitement to violence. But in a court of law, where rulings take precedence, Kanu remains innocent until proven guilty. The question is, why has it taken so long for his trial to conclude? This man was arrested in 2021, and four years later, his trial has only just reached the point where he will start his defence.
In truth, Kanu and his lawyers have also played their part in delaying the trial with claims about his health and fitness to stand trial (if he is fit enough to call for the murder of innocent Nigerians, he is fit enough to stand trial for his crimes in my book). But it ultimately comes down to the sluggish pace at which justice is dispensed in this country. The man who succeeded Kanu when he was arrested and operated from Finland, Simon Ekpa, has been arrested and convicted of terrorism-related charges. All of that happened within six months.
So, while Kanu’s case may seem open and shut, the fact that he is still not convicted and has effectively been in detention for four years raises questions about the legality of his continued detention. For Sowore, who aspired to run for president, to openly ally with a terrorism suspect, someone who has destabilised the region he claims to fight for, has caused the deaths of numerous Igbos and other tribes, and severely undermined the region, is effectively political suicide.
Mr Kanu might have rights to freedom if his innocence is confirmed by the court, but while he stands trial, it is hard to argue for his release when he clearly shows no remorse or acknowledgment of the grave damage he has inflicted on his country. He had previously jumped bail and fled the country. Sowore’s activism might be blind to colour, but it should not ignore the rights of the victims of IPOB and Kanu-inspired and orchestrated violence. They too had the right to life, which was brutally taken from them. They too had rights to own businesses and property and to practice their civil rights to trade, associate, and vote in peace, which Mr Kanu and his followers denied them. Did Sowore consider this when he decided to initiate these protests, or is there another goal he aspires to? If he can argue for Kanu, he might as well lead a protest for the suspected Nyanya Bomber, Aminu Sadiq Ogwuche, who has been on trial for 11 years now and is still presumed innocent by law.
While discussing the protests, we must again address the police’s tendency for violently suppressing peaceful demonstrations. This has been a long-standing issue that has created more enemies for the police than they would wish.
The right of people to organise and conduct peaceful protests is a constitutional right. The manner in which the police have continued to disrupt such protests with violent arrests and excessive use of force is damaging to the morale of the people and to police/public relations.
In the end, everything—the rumoured coup plot, the handling of it, the protracted trial of Mr Kanu, the protests, and their management—boils down to mismanagement. If we ever manage these issues effectively, the chaos we have witnessed in Nigeria over the past few weeks would not have occurred, and we would all be better for it. We can do better.
